Biju Borbaruah, Assam
I have been involved in community service since 1996. I was inspired by my sister to enter this field of work. Ever since I began to understand issues affecting our society and community, I have been aware of corruption and injustice ingrained in our society, often perpetrated by leaders and people holding positions of power. It was as an expression against this injustice that organisations like ULFA, BALT, BTF, etc came into being. In this situation, the poorest people suffered the most.
The political, economic, social and educational situation was deplorable, but they did not have the courage to protest or raise their concerns for fear of the repercussions. Since my younger days I used to participate in political meetings and express my views in their midst. But there were not many listening to what I had to say. It was then that I decided that I would work for making improvements in my society and community. In 1996 I joined a social development organisation, thinking that I could contribute towards improving society through this. I started going to villages, organising participating in several training programmes, etc. A few months later I realised that there are several problems in the organisation I was working with. The organisation was headed by a woman. It had received a grant form CAPART for a low-cost housing project under which 27 houses were to be built. In reality only three houses were built, and there were no records of the remaining funds. Such a large fraud was being perpetrated in the name of poor people. I decided to quit the organisation immediately. Thinking back, I sometimes feel I should have stayed back, exposed the truth, and stopped the corruption and injustice. I did not do this. I had failed in my first experience.
An acquaintance told me at the time that if I was interested in doing some good work I could approach the Rural Volunteers Centre (RVC) which worked in Dhemaji district. RVC was looking for someone to help in formation and strengthening of women’s self-help groups (SHGs). I took permission from my mother and set off to join RVC. On reaching there I felt this was a place where I could work. After a year of working there I joined Tamalpur Anchalik Gramdaan Sangh (TAGS) in Nalbari district. I continue to be associated with TAGS and its founder Ravindranath Upadhyay till today.
TAGS works in the Kumarikata region, which borders Bhutan and is about 100km from Guwahati. This region is famous for two reasons – malaria and terrorists. People have a lot of problems. People from different religions and castes stay here – Hindu, Muslims, Christians; Bengalis, Santhal, Bodo, etc. At the time I went to this region, around 1998, the Bodo community was making demands for a separate state which will not have any non-local or nontribal people. This problem was fuelling unrest in the region. No government official wanted to work in this region. BLT, ULFA, NDEB and other militant outfits extorted money from the local communities.
When I began working in this region, Ravindra bhai and other colleagues cautioned me against going to the villages. But I started going anyway. There were schools in the villages but no teachers. Government schools were few, but even private schools did not function. There were no local employment opportunities. Men would go to Bhutan to work as labourers but it was not safe for women to leave their villages and go for work. There were also several people from Bangladesh who were living in the forest areas for several decades, but they had no rights or recognition as citizens. This situation was particularly stark in Angarkata and Bamanjuli forest areas.
In 1998 I started work in the Angarkata area. I went around to villages telling them about selfhelp groups – a concept that was new to most of them. People were suspicious of me and my motivations. They worried if I was from the police. Two months passed by, in 1999, probably around April, I was summoned to a meeting in the Vagajuli-Khamjuri area. There I was asked about why I was roaming around in the villages, and even threatened that those who came to the area once never went back. I was asked to be present at the meeting at 9am, which started at 10.30am. A large number of women and local youth were present at the meeting. I explained the purpose of my visits t the villages, and told them that if they came together they could achieve a lot of things. Gradually I gained their trust, and their fear reduced.
People in the Vagajuli forest area, live in constant fear of eviction. Being close to Bhutan, the locals are also often suspected of being spies. Gradually people started joining us and supporting our work. Women’s self-help groups were formed and their financial needs were addressed to some extent. With help of TAGS, trainings and workshops were organised for SHG members and anganwadi workers. As the SHGs expanded I engaged Savita to work with me. While all this went on, I felt it was necessary to do something proactive to counter militant groups in the region. I discussed this with Ravindra bhai. With five women from the area, I attended a programme on the mahila shanti sena (women’s army for peace) at Vaishali, Bihar.
Back in Assam, we decided that together with mobilising women to form SHGs, we will also motivate them to form mahila shanti sena. At this time there was a government directive to form self-help groups for extending rural credit. A target of 1000 self-help groups was set for each block, which would be linked with NABARD, DRDA, banks, etc. With such a target, overnight block officials and others started forming selfhelp groups in a random manner. The quality and strength of these self-help groups was obviously poor. Even groups formed by us, enticed by the funds available, started veering from basic principles and became weak. Some were even disbanded. Our basic principle of self-help group functioning was that they should work independently in the beginning and build some strength, before external funds were injected into the groups. I was disheartened with these developments.
It was during this time that I registered a Trust named Asha Darshan. The Trust was registered on May 14, 2002 to work in the field of education, women and child development. The Trust had started work in 2001 itself by running balwadis (pre school and child care centres) in Vagajuli, Angarkata and Shkar villages. With this my responsibilities multiplied. Four more girls joined our work – Pranati, Pathini, Ambika and Deepali. These girls trained women in maintaining records and keeping accounts. Under aegis of the mahila shanti sena, training was imparted on pig and duck rearing, making incense sticks, etc. Exposure visits were also organised for women.
Gradually some of the better groups also got funds from banks. Things were improving, but there were also problems. In November 2003, railway examinations were to be organised in Guwahati. Youth from across the country came to take these examinations. At Guwahati, they were attacked by local youth, who demanded that they be given priority in these jobs. These youth were disillusioned by widespread unemployment in the state. These attacks spread to other parts of the state and manifested as ethnic strife. People from Bihar and Jharkhand were attacked in the districts of Kamrup, Jorhat, Tinsukia, Dibrugarh, Dhubori, Nalbari, etc. Several cases of assault, rape, setting houses on fire, etc, were reported. I was upset after reading these reports in newspapers, and seeing what was going around. In our locality, police went house to house and took Biharis and others to the security of police stations, but this was no permanent solution. I spoke with Ravindra bhai about this. He advised that the situation was volatile and we should be careful and not get involved. I did not agree, and decided that we would hold a peace rally on the coming Sunday. In informed him of this decision. On November 24, with women of the mahila shanti sena, we held the first rally in Darga Mela, on the Bhutan border. This was followed by rallies in Kumarikata on November 26 and in Tamalpur on November 29. Our slogans were – we are all brothers, give up violence, participate in creative development. We were afraid that our rallies calling for peace may be attacked and that there may be more violence, but that did not happen. In fact our support base increased quite a bit after the rallies.
The self-help groups have begun to impact lives of women in positive ways, but the problems that remain are enormous. The indiscriminate implementation of programmes and schemes by the government is leading people to be greedy and corner to as much of the benefits as possible, without much effort. Going against the tide, our efforts are continually directed at building people’s capacities and confidence, and the courage and motivation to fight injustice. The tentacles of corruption have spread right from the highest offices to the villages. Old age pension, widow pension, Indira Awas Yojana, Public distribution systems are all fraught with corruption. The mahila shanti sena has raised its voice and taken proactive steps against such practices. The work of mahila shanti sena needs to spread. Work has started in six districts of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Tripura, Manipur, etc. As of now there are 366 self help groups and together with the mahila shanti sena, is growing as well. Together we will continue to agitate and keep trying to create a better society.
These are some experiences in my work – the struggles, the highs and the lows. I find it hard to write about one incident, as this is the first time I have tried to write something.
Thursday, March 29, 2007
With peace, on the path of struggle
A few steps to changing society
Banshilal Bairva, Jaipur, Rajasthan
Banshilal Bairva was born on May 5, 1965, in village Harsauli, Panchayat Samiti Dudu in Jaipur district of Rajasthan, in an extremely poor harijan family. The sixth child, he had four older sisters and a brother. His parents struggled to support the family through working as labourers for daily wages. They were not able to support the education of the children and Banshilal was the only one who was enrolled in school. Untouchability was prevalent in the village. Children of the ‘upper castes’ looked at harijan children with scorn, and even the teacher at the school made harijan children sit behind the children of ‘upper castes’. Harijan children were barred from drinking water from the common source, or going to the barber’s shop, and even participating in community events.
Inspite of these, Banshilal stood first in his class in standard 5. Banshilal’s parents wanted to send their son for higher education, but their economic situation did not permit it. Banshilal dropped out of school for a year before a well-wisher, Sri Bhajan Ram Vaishnav, came forward to get him admission at the residential school of the National Social Service Board at Ajmer. With the scholarship covering expenses for food and education, Banshilal completed high school in 1983. He wished to study further, but given the economic situation at home, he was forced to take on responsibilities to support the home. In 1984 Banshilal worked as a labourer in his village.
In the prevalent atmosphere of caste divisions and untouchability in his village, harijans were not getting their due, not even the designated wages. he therefore began going to Dudu for work. In his village harijans were still not being allowed to go to temples or the barbers shop, tea shop, public ghat, and even barred from participating in community events. The continuing injustice and exploitation, especially of women, hierarchies, etc disturbed Banshilal greatly. To fight against these and to motivate the youth for development of the village, Banshilal got the harijan youth together and formed a Youth Club on January 26, 1984, and initiated some community activities. Banshilal was selected leader of the group. They started working in the village, in ensuring cleanliness, deepening the village pond, organising cultural programmes to generate awareness on various issues, sports competitions, etc. Inspired by these activities, youth from other castes gradually started joining them.
These developments encouraged Banshilal to form youth clubs and women’s groups in other villages in the region as well. Within a year, 28 youth clubs and women’s groups were formed in Dudu Panchayat Samiti. The next step was linking them with Nehru Yuva Kendra and furthering the work in village and community development. Subsequently in 1985, the International Year for the Youth, Banshilal was given the district youth award by Sri Jai Narayan Gaud, District Collector, Jaipur, at a function on January 12. With this his motivation was further boosted and he started spreadingteh work on youth clubs and women’s groups across Jaipur district – 17 in Sambhar Panchayat Samiti (PS), 11 in Phagi P.S., 14 in Chaksu P.S., 14 in Sangner P.S., 9 in Bassi, and linked these to Nehru Yuva Kendra. Through community mobilisation and voluntary labour contributions a lot of work was done on protection and preservation of the environment in all these areas, as well as cultural and sports programmes, systematic training programmes, health camps, livestock camps, disability welfare camps, agriculture trainings, and a continuous process of generating awareness among the communities.
Through all this, Banshilal himself got the opportunity to develop his own skills, attending national camps, trainings, etc. Between 1984 and 1990, with support of different youth clubs, 46 ponds and tanks were dug/ renovated. The experiences over these six years made Banshilal realise that the gap between rich and poor was growing and deepening, and appeared un-bridgeable. And it seemed as though no effort was making efforts to bridge this gap. In a country which wants its citizens to be united, to participate in constructive development processes and to create an environment for human development, a majority of its citizens struggle merely for two square meals, as if they were engaged in some revolutionary activity.
Almost as if living in poverty and deprivation is a way of life. The economics of survival is tightening its noose on the citizens of this country. Unfulfilled basic needs - safe drinking water, employment, environment, education, health, together with caste and communalism are fundamental problems, which stands in the way of the nation’s development. Cities get congested while villages are emptying out. Agriculture has become an expensive proposition, and the situation is such that cultivators are forced to turn into labourers. People’s strength is reducing. Their self-confidence is rapidly reducing. Everyone is disillusioned and dissatisfied. With these concerns in mind, and to find some local solutions, Banshila started ‘Prayas Kendra Harsauli’ in 1991. Since then, the organisation has been active in Dudu Panchayat Samiti, one of the most backward and deprived regions in the district, through a variety of activities in soil and water conservation, education and health, involving and directly benefiting harijans and other poor and marginalised people.
For Banshilal, it has been a life committed to making small improvements in society, a journey in which he has received support and guidance from a large number of people.
One step towards development
Jalamchand Vaktaji, Udaipur, Rajasthan
Shyampura-Kalan is two km from Bichiwada Panchayat in Jhadol tehsil. An adult education centre was started in Shyampura in 1983. There was a severe drought in the region in 1986-87, leading to large scale migration of people from Udaipur to Gujarat. The adult education centre had to be closed in this period. I shared these problems with my colleagues in Seva Mandir, and came back and discussed with the people in my village regarding the problems being faced. There was acute shortage of food, water and fodder. People were forced to migrate to Gujarat for survival.
With the help of Seva Mandir an application was made to the government for building an anicut. The proposal was sanctioned and with the work on the anicut people were able to get water to drink, the animals as well. There was also some employment for the villagers, so the adult education centre could be started again. In the second year, a lot of silt came with the water and started choking the anicut. The villagers consulted with Seva Mandir and decided that it was important to undertake afforestation in the catchment area to prevent soil from being washed away and silting up the anicut.
Around the time, in 1991, the government introduced a national afforestation programme and Shyampura was one of the villages selected to implement the programme under Joint Forest Management - Sajha Van Prabandh. A survey of the forest area had to be conducted before afforestation could be initiated. It then came to light that nineteen families of the village had encroachments in the forest area. These had to be removed if the afforestation programme was to be implemented. This caused a lot of tension in the village and people were divided in their opinion on whether the encroachments should be removed. I would call villagers frequently for meetings to discuss the issue. It was clear that the people who had encroached land in the forest area, had very little cultivable land and none of it was irrigated. They also had no recourse to alternative employment opportunities.
With Seva Mandir’s help a community well was built, which would help in irrigation of the land and help to increase productivity of the land. A lift irrigation system was established. What was critical in this process was to ensure that there was consensus among the villagers throughout the process. At times I felt there was no hope with all the divisions and problems in the village, but with persistence, solutions always came.
There are several benefits today to the steps that were initiated in Shyampura. The encroachments were gradually removed. With afforestation of the land and protection, there was sufficient fuelwood and fodder for the villagers throughout the year. The anicut does not get silted anymore. The community lift irrigation system has helped increased productivity of the land. What is perhaps most important is the unity among the villagers today and the strength that they derive from that.
Inspired by Shyampura, neighbouring villages of Bada Bhilwada, Amariya, Turad, etc, were motivated to come together and initiate similar steps in removing encroachments from forest lands systematically and in undertaking afforestation. Village institutions set up in these villages are gradually becoming stronger. Forest Protection Committees (Van Suraksha Samitis) have been set up in all these villages.
Over 200 villages in Jhadol tehsil are today part of this process and in over 70 villages the Forest Protection committees are very strong. These have been brought together with the help of Seva Mandir into a federation called Van Utthan Sangh. In its infancy, Van Utthan Sangh plays a critical role in continued motivation of villages towards forest protection. The Van Utthan Sangh member villages in Jhadol have several instances of successful removal of encroachments on forests. It also plays a crucial role in demarcation of forest land. As per norms of Joint Forest Management scheme, rights between the Forest Protection Committees and the forest department are divided as 60:40. In the process, people are able to claim their rights, as well as improve their own lives and livelihoods.
If not us then who? If not now then when?
Dr Manaya Mena, L.Dibang valley, Arunachal Pradesh
I belong to that part of India which has been called the ‘land of the rising sun’ – Arunachal. It is located in the Eastern most part of India. For a greater part of its history it was unknown to other parts of the country. Idu Mishmi is the tribe that I belong to and we reside mainly in Dibang caller and lower Dibang valley districts. Each district is usually inhabited by people from one tribe. People from my tribe mainly live on subsistence agriculture with fishing and hunting as supplementary livelihood activities.
Opening of schools in the late 70s and 80s by organisations like Ramakrishna Mission and Vivekananda Kendra actually signalled the advent of education in Arunachal. These schools were run free of cost and exclusively meant for tribal children. Both these organisations played a major role in promoting and setting a high standard of education in Arunachal. Especially Vivekananda Kendra emphasised on nurturing individuals and nation building. I was one of the fortunate tribal girls to be able to study in Vivekananda Kendra. During the eleven years of schooling, they imparted to us a high standard of education and monitored our all-round development.
My friends and I nurtured the desire to serve our own people when we completed our education. During school vacations we would conduct classes for village children, and this infact was our first step towards selfless social work. With time we grew up to become doctors, engineers, advocates and began to meet often to discuss about our community. During discussions we felt that our community was still backward in education and a large number of talented students were dropping out of school due to financial problems. Every one of us had the opinion that education was of paramount importance to bring any effective changes in the community. We felt that it was our duty to encourage and support such students. Unanimously we decided to organise ourselves and take up social work seriously. Thus ‘Idu Azo Charitable Society’ was formed on October 16, 2001. We started conducting career counselling sessions and interacting with students. The response was encouraging. While initially we had to coax and pursue the students to apply to IACS for scholarships, in every subsequent year quite a large number of students are approaching IACS for support. Till date we have supported eight students pursuing different fields of study.
Some of us in IACS are from medical background. We felt that we should take up some activities in health and hygiene to reach a larger number of people and at the same time expand the scope of our work. Statistically very few villages in Dibang and Lower Dibang districts have basic health facilities. A large number of villages are located in high altitude, forest and inaccessible areas have not even heard of formal or government medical facilities. Their lives are entirely at the mercy of nature. We decided that we would conduct free health camps in these remote villages. So far we have organised free health camps in Desali, Anilih, Aruzu. All these villages are in remote locations and one has to walk even upto one or two days to reach these villages. Desali was the first village where we conducted a free health camp. This camp was also an eye opener 28 for the people of our community that we were a committed group of young people determined to work despite the obstacles put forward by some vested interest groups.
As planned, on March 23, 2003 we started out for Desali. As we were nearing the village, our vehicle was suddenly stopped by a villager, who asked one of our doctors to get down. He caught hold of the doctor’s arm and threatened to chop it off if he did not give Rs.10,000 that very moment, as compensation for marrying within the blood relation and violating the social norm. Shocked and scared, we tried to intervene and tell him that we did not have any money and that we were on our way to conduct a health camp. But the man ignored us and removed his sword. I was really scared and did not know what to do as I barely had Rs.300. The team’s treasurer informed me that he had only Rs.3000. The man was adamant and did not let go the doctor’s arm. Luckily one of the team members had Rs.10,000 which he gave to the man. After taking the money, he released the doctor’s arm and left. Throughout, the doctor and other members of the team were nervous but calm. Later the team member who gave the money said that since we were going to his native village Desali, he was planning to arrange dinner for the team with the money. Angry and disappointed, some team members said that we should turn back and cancel the health camp, but I felt that it would not be correct for us to do so and we should not be upset over such incidents.
We reached Desali late afternoon, where another surprise awaited us, as not a single person was there to receive us though we had sent information circulars one week earlier through the local traders, members of the Panchayat and the ASM, seeking their cooperation and requesting them to inform the villagers. Instead of information for the camp, there was a rumour that we were there for some political gimmicks. By now our team members were totally disheartened and demoralised. They decided to pack up and leave then. I suggested that we should stay and go house to house and interact with the villagers and remove their misconceptions. For the rest of the afternoon we went house to house explaining the purpose of our visit. While some responded and received us warmly, a large number still did not open up and tried to avoid us while a few argued with us. The team members were again discouraged by the half hearted response. In the evening, together with two other team members I went around the village again talking to the villagers. At night before dinner, all of us in the team sat for a discussion. I maintained that we should not be disappointed or discouraged, and that people were staying away only because they were suspicious of our motives and were being guided by some selfish interests, and rich and politically influential people who somehow felt threatened. However I agreed that if people did not turn up in the morning, we would pack up and leave.
We enthusiastically made preparations for the camp next morning and were taken aback by the overwhelming response. We attended to 315 patients and were totally exhausted. The camp was a huge success and we knew we had won our first battle. In the evening we had a grand dinner and celebration. This incident instilled in us the feeling that we could achieve our goals if we were determined and patient. Thereafter we successfully conducted free health camps at Anilih and Aruzu. In fact both these villages invited us and requested us conduct free health camps. Along with IACS, I actively work for ‘Herbs for better health’, an oranisaiton committed to the propagation of herbal medicines to improve the health standard of villagers. I played an active role in promoting the idea of herbal kitchen gardens. Many plants around us possess nutritional and medicinal value which we either ignore or overlook. Amla, anaar, bel, caranda, kalmegh, tulsi, vasundhari, pipli are few plants which we have encouraged and supported villagers to raise small herbal kitchen gardens. At present we have developed 50 herbal gardens in six villages and ten herbal nurseries. While using locally available medicinal plants, this has in a way also helped villagers to save money on medicines. What is more encouraging is that those who have experienced the benefits of herbal medicines have taken up the task of demonstrating and encouraging other villagers to set up herbal gardens as well.
Education and health are fields where everyone is working intensively. But in my observation there is a section of people who are left uncared for. This section consists of widows, divorcees and aged women. I felt an urge to help them. Thus the concept of home made horlicks struck me. This was a suitable idea for several reasons. First, it would enable aged women to earn a livelihood without much exertion; second, it would provide an excellent and nutritious health drink; and third, it would be available at a reasonable price. I gathered a group of women and discussed this idea. They were willing to give it a try. I collected some ingredients like millets, maize and rice locally, and got chana, moong, etc from the market. These were washed, dried, roasted and milled. Now it was time for packing. The women’s hands trembled and they could not do it. Even cutting plastic with scissors was difficult. In the first trial, I did most of the packing, but gradually they have learnt to pack with a steady hand.
The public response to the local horlicks was good, but we got the feedback that we had to still work on the packing, to do better in the market. Now we are trying to prepare home made herbal horlicks and more women will be trained in it after the trials.
Apart from us there are other societies with different activities but aimed towards the same goal of welfare of the Idu community. I have however sensed a very cold relationship between the different organisations and often a sense of competition which is counter-productive for development processes and harmful to society at large. On my part, I have tried to reach out to different organisations and through discussions help everyone realise that we are all working for the same cause and that it is important to cooperate and network with each other. This way our strengths will multiply and difficulties will be fewer and we will reach our goal sooner. As a testimony to this commitment, I have been able to convince my team members and they in turn have agreed to help resurrect Idu Cultural and Literary Society. ICLS is the apex body of the Idu community and all major and sensitive issues concerning our community are taken up by it.
In the past few years due to political pressures ICLS has been unable to function earnestly and effectively. The members are demoralised and have welcomed our offer to help them. IACS members have volunteered to help bridge the gap between ICLS members and between ICLS and the Idu community and re-instil in them faith and hope in ICLS. As the chief functionary of my organisation I try to understand the thoughts and feelings of every member and try my level best to encourage and motivate them whenever they are down. The dedication and commitment of our members has made the presence of IACS felt in the Idu community. Given our limitations and shortcomings I know that the task that we have chosen is tough, yet we have to go on because – ‘If not us then who? If not now then when?’
Who is afraid of the storm!
Kalyani Kandar, Jharkhand
The river ahead in spate, an ache in the heart and tears in the eyes. And no one was visible close by, neither farmer, nor guard. The fields were flooded with rainwater which had not stopped pouring in three days. Why would anyone venture out? But tomorrow, Tuesday, is the weekly market day. It is also the day when the general body meeting of LAMPS is to be held – not LAMPS but FSS. We have to form FSS to replace LAMPS.
We, members of the spearhead team, who are working in different parts of the country. There are five members in my team – Shweta, Amit, Badan, Ataavar and myself. Our mission was to reform the old LAMPS – Large Area Multipurpose Societies, and form FSS – Farmers Service Societies. The poorest people were to be involved in the FSS, the organisation strengthened and leadership developed, so that it could progress in the right direction and to ensure that the benefits of development reached the poorest.
Under the third five-year plan, the government had promoted LAMPS to promote agricultural development. It was envisaged as a multifaceted programme for rural development, incorporating farming loans, grain stores, cottage industries, and loans for small business activities, to ensure that small and marginal farmers and labourers were not trapped in the debt cycle of moneylenders and be free from bondage. Apart from a government official in the coordinating committee of LAMPS, all other members were elected by a general body of all poor people from the local area. It was expected that through this process the poorest people would be represented and would participate actively in LAMPS.
By the 80’s however, LAMPS was completely under the control of local landlords and moneylenders. The simmering discontent within the farmers and labourers ultimately gave birth to the naxalite movement. A blood bath was unleashed in which several youth lost their lives. In 1974, the student movements across the nation led by Jayprakash Narayan under the Sampoorna Kranti Andolan, gave a jolt to the latent complacency in the socio-political systems. Indira Gandhi also lost her seat. Political and economic instability were aggravated. In this setting, to improve the lot of poor people, the National Institute of Bank Management mooted the idea of the spearhead team, which would function separate from the political system, and which would be responsible for spreading awareness, organising people and reducing the
strength of exploitative moneylenders, and create an environment where the government and banking institutions would work proactively for the poor. This purpose was reiterated throughout the training of the spearhead team. Sociologists, economists, management experts, invested their time and energy to train this team, so that the exploited poor could be strengthened to fight for their rights without bloodshed.
I am a soldier of that army, standing at the banks of the river in spate, on judgement day. I have to cross the river somehow, and go the village on the other side to ask the people to attend the general body meeting tomorrow, so that Phulurai can be dethroned from the President’s position, which he has been holding on to for the past twenty years. We heard about Phulurai’s village, Bahalalpur in Bankura district, from the Mallabhum Grameen Bank, Bankura. We had to work in conjunction with this bank. This was the first posting of Satyaprakash, the field officer at this bank. We need his support, as he did ours. He organised a house for us in Bahalalpur village, and so we lived there. Bahalalpur is about 55-60km from the town of Bankura, and borders Bardhaman and Hooghly districts. There are two routes to reach Bankura from Bahalalpur. By neither route was it possible to reach there and return on the same day. To do any work in the town it is necessary to stay there for the night. A lone pucca road connects Bardhaman to Hooghly, on which two buses plied each day. The last bus passed Sukhdevpur in the evening, from where it was a walk of about 7km to Bahalalpur. The route taken by bullock carts was longer.
There is a river on the other route to Bankura. Villagers adopt a unique method to cross the river. Men and women descended slowly into the river, and lifted their clothes gradually as they crossed, till it finally rested on their heads. On crossing over to the other bank, the clothes dropped back on them, gradually. This seemingly simple procedure was very hard for us to emulate. So we always carried a spare set of clothes to change into when we crossed over. The wet clothes were laid out to dry or stuffed into our bags, depending on the convenience. The Post Office is about 1.5km from Bahalalpur village. The post man was a good looking man from an upper caste family. Shweta and I used to jokingly talk about him amongst ourselves. Even in pouring rain, he would not fail in his duty of delivering post. Possibly in an effort to bring prestige to his job, he worked sincerely, his clothes always ironed. The usual practice of the spearhead team was to select inaccessible and un-served areas, with little or no services, and make efforts to bring people forward so that they do not get left out always from the benefits of development.
The reason to select Bahalalpur was that it had one of the oldest LAMPS, which was considered functional in the government records. Phulurai has been its President ever since it was set up. Bahalalpur is a large habitation, and our work covered ten villages surrounding it. The Patwari here, Bishnubabu, is also a young man whose home is in the town of Bankura. As it was not possible to commute everyday, he stayed back 3-4 days each week. Unmarried, he cooked his food in corner of he room in which he stayed. As the first posting, he had no option but to accept it. But he was beginning to like it, since with Phulurai around there was not much chance of any complication. With a reasonable salary, Bishnubabu has settled in well. Bahalalpur is considered a village of farmers. This is its identity on government and bank records. But there is a hamlet of poor people in the north of the village. The chamars (leather flayers) lived on one side; one of the girls from here cleaned our house. Our cook was a Brahmin. Young and handsome, he did not like singing kirtans (devotional songs). That’s what his father still did for a living. Poor, but at least he was not an untouchable. There is not as much respect as in older days, or work, but still he is a Brahmin. How different it was in the time of Phulurai’s great grandfather. There was no dearth of wealth. The family of Phulurais’s great grandfather is now broken into several bits, about 60 families, and there is very little land they control now.
Dulu, our cook, is himself ashamed of his father. He has eight brothers and sisters. He himself is fifteen years old. Last year when the twins, a boy and a girl, were born, Dulu left home in anger. He came back for a month at his mother’s insistence. His face would become red with anger when he saw his father. The Santhal hamlet with about 30 families is at the end of the village, identified by the strong and nauseating smell of liquor as one enters it. Apart from these, there are two families making flattened rice, three families of iron-smiths, ten families of other artisans, and three barber families as well. Kamalbabu is the school master. There is a lot of respect for him. The villagers earn from selling curd and vegetables in Gaganpur. Most small farmers depend on cultivating and selling vegetables for their livelihood. The pal families keep cattle and sell milk and curd. The village is kept alive by a small river which flows by it, and which in the monsoons makes it impossible for anyone to leave the village. Neighbouring villages have borrowed from Bahalalpur at some time or the other. They mortgage their meagre belongings and land, and pay an interest of 120%. Dalit women work in the farmers houses in mixing cow dung and straw, young children grazed the cattle, while some men worked through the year, others worked as labourers in Bahalalpur or neighbouring villages. The dalit men also flayed the skin of dead animals and even ate its meat. They also made the leather bags to water the fields, while some dalit women worked as midwives as well. Adivasis worked on contracts, but never alone.
They did not trust Phulurai much and each kept the other at a safe distance. There was a bit of fear too among the landlords, as the Communist Party’s campaign for rights of sharecroppers had reached here as well. In Phulurai’s words, it was not necessary to associate with these ignorant people. Phulurai’s story is that people are untrustworthy. They do not repay after taking loans, but what could he do, so easily was he moved by the tears of the poor. The government gives no credit to the poor, so each year who would give them the seeds at the time of sowing? Those who borrow rice for consumption, repay one and a quarter times, while those who take seeds repay one and a half times. And these ungrateful people mix stones, etc in it as well. There is a LAMPS committee, which met till last year, but this year there has not been any meeting. We would like people from all communities and castes to participate, but on meeting day they are all drunk, what can be done, Phulurai asks helplessly.
After the efforts over last year, and long meetings in the nights, the situation is different today. Logan Hembrom from the Santhal hamlet is ready to become a member today, the hidden embers inside him have lit up again. Anticipating the challenge in the general body meeting this year, Phulurai has already started threatening the people. He did not give seeds at the time of sowing, but Logan and other Santhals did not back out. They stayed hungry and put the children to sleep after giving them some liquor to drink, but did not beg from Phulurai. Similarly, the villagers of Fatehpur have decided to make Kamalbabu the President. The members’ names and fees have been collected from here, only Ratanpur is left out still, that’s the village I am responsible for. What could I do? I helped others in their work, how was I to know that it would rain like this for three days and I would not be able to visit my area. And my friends have let me down in these rains. No one came with me. Moreover, in yesterday’s meeting Ataavar reprimanded me. He said “You ask for equal rights, so why don’t you work for it. Why don’t you go to the village alone? There is no member nominated from Ratanpur yet, no fees collected. Phulurai will hold the meeting tomorrow in the pouring rain, just so that the turnout is poor and he becomes the President again. It is imperative for members from all areas to come for tomorrow’s meeting.”
My friendship with Ataavar is special. I am fond of reading new books, so is Ataavar. We have exchanged several books. I am interested in poetry and literature, so is he. Just the other day we were reading Rabindranath’s poems on the monsoons. Silence all around, the sound of the frogs reverberated inside us. How happy we were. Perhaps I expected a bit more of understanding from him, but he shamed me in front of everybody. But taking on challenges was not new for me. Two years ago, accepting Deven’s challenge I went alone into the forest and reached Mangli’s village, and stayed in their house as it grew dark. If I had not stayed back that night now would I have known that there was not a drop of oil for lighting lamps in the Santhal mother-daughter household. Cooking and all activities happened in the light of burning wood. How would I have known that in the biting cold in the month of pusa mother-daughter had nothing other than the clothes that they were wearing to cover themselves. They would wake up three-four times at night to get some warmth from the fire, and sleep for a while. When they woke up, they would get busy with chores in the house, before leaving to work as labourers. It was an invaluable night for me, when for the first time I saw the daily struggle in the lives of tribal people. The pain of my own poverty seemed insignificant in front of this.
The pain in my heart today is more because of my own foolishness that I had not completed my work in time. Why did I expect others to help me? My thoughts were interrupted by a loud clap of thunder. I saw a man on the other bank of the river, tying his clothes on his head and jumping into the river and was on this bank in no time. Surprised, he asked me where I was going and how? He asked me to turn back and said I should not have ventured out on a day like this. I stood there, smiling at my own stupidity. The man went away, angry. Would I not be able to cross the river? A thought shyly passed through my mind like lightning. I was an experienced swimmer, and had many records, even of beating boys. I also had records of drowning. Thrice I would have drowned, and each time I was saved. The last time, I jumped into the pond to save my cousin. Srikant in his effort to be saved climbed over my shoulders. Someone saw us as both of us started drowning and shouted for help. Srikant could be seen, I was not. The water was deep, and in an effort to save us 4-5 people jumped into the pond. Ultimately, my mother pulled me by my hair. A human chain was formed in the pond in an effort to save us and perhaps each other. For two days I was pampered for my brave effort. Then my mother offered prayers to Ul devi, Ganga devi, etc. But today, I could not take off my clothes to cross the river. And I had a bag with me as well.
I was thinking about what I could do, when two men came, wanting to cross over to their village. Surprised, they looked at me. Gathering courage I asked them if they would carry my bag across, and they nodded in agreement. I made up my mind and gave them the bag. I knew that my feet could get stuck in the saree, or the petticoat cover my head. If this happened I would surely drown. Discarding my hesitation I tied the saree around my legs and jumped into the river. The current was strong, but so was my resolve. Eventually I reached the other side. Word had reached the village, before I crossed over, and a large crowd was waiting for me, with a lot of
respect. Food and clothes were arranged for me when I reached the village. Word of tomorrow’s meeting quickly went around the village and its importance as well.
By evening the rain stopped. One of the villagers accompanied me as I crossed back. By now I had forgotten the indifference of my colleagues. From far I could see Shweta with Dulu approaching the river carrying a stick and a lantern. On seeing me she burst into tears. Phulubabu had spread word in the village that I had been taken away by the river. Shweta requested several people to accompany her to find me. Surprisingly none of the men came forward to help. Ultimately, Shweta together with Dulu set out to search for me. The depth of our friendship struck me again. I also realised that there are struggles at each step – at home, outside, in the work area, with friends too.
The meeting started as scheduled the next day. The people of Ratanpur were the first to arrive. I was not hopeful of this turnout since the rains had not stopped completely, and then I had explained the significance of today’s meeting only in my visit yesterday, and I was inexperienced. But the people of Ratanpur encouraged me by their turnout. Kamalbabu was elected President in the meeting, and Phulurai was defeated after 20 years. Logan and several others became members for the first time. That day Phulurai, Patwari Bishnu Kumar and their friends in the shock of defeat, got drunk.
A life of struggle
Panchdev, Bihar
In 1974 in Bihar, a student’s movement had risen against unemployment, corruption and rising costs. I was studying at the Intermediate level at that time. Our exams had started on March 17, 1974. I boycotted the exams and committed myself to the movement. Slowly the movement spread to include farmers as well. After repeated requests by the students, Jayprakash Narayan agreed, after setting some pre-conditions, to lead the movement. The movement was taken to villages and hamlets and Janata government slowly came to power. This movement was able to encompass a wide range of people, except those in power. Somewhere down the line CPI withdrew its support as well. In Bihar groups committed to justice, equity and socialist ideals were fairly united.
The movement spread relentlessly. Disparate groups with their student and youth groups committed themselves to this movement. Their allegiance, however, was first to their group and then to the movement. In this situation JP mobilised students committed primarily to the movement to form a non-party and independent “Chatra Yuva Sangharsh Vahini” on January 1, 1975. The movement of students and youth had active support of labourers and farmers as well. Even women were closely involved in the movement, as well as dalits and other marginalised communities. On June 5, 1975, addressing a gathering at Gandhi Maidan, Patna, JP gave a call for ‘sampoorna kranti’ (total revolution) against unemployment, corruption and inflation. With the rousing slogan of ‘jaati chodo janeu todo’ (leave your caste, break the ‘sacred’ thread) Gandhi Maidan was filled with mounds of discarded ‘sacred threads’. The movement gained force and went ahead.
Around the time, Allahabad High Court had declared Indira Gandhi’s election illegal. Subsequently, negating the High Court order, Indira Gandhi declared a state of ‘Emergency’. All rights of citizens were withdrawn, people involved with the movement were put behind bars without any reason or legal basis, and a variety of injustices were inflicted. After a secret survey when she felt that she could come back to power, Indira Gandhi announced fresh elections led by a dummy Election Commission. She suffered a humiliating defeat in these elections. The Janata Party formed the government and withdrew Emergency. For the first time people from poor and marginalised communities became Ministers, Members of Parliament and Members of the Legislative Assemblies. For the first time these people were confident that they would be heard and that their own people were in power.
After the formation of Janata led government, the Chatra Yuva Sangharsh Vahini, geared to the cause of Total Revolution, took up the issue of caste and class struggle and announced a movement against the Bodh Gaya Math. The movement spread to villages and people were rapidly organised. Women played a leading role in this. At the time, the people around Bodh Gaya Math considered the Math to be the government. They received one to two and a half kilos of rice for a day of work and rice gruel for breakfast. The labour community drank mahua liquor and beat their wives in drunken stupor. Women were organised to stop this.
Gradually the poor and marginalised people were organised and gathered strength to put an end to the power and control of Bodh Gaya Math. People immediately took control of the lands held by the Math. We also led struggles against caste injustice and exploitation by landlords in Panchmaniya and Bhatsimar of Madhubani district. From Panchmaniya, the struggle spread to several villages in its vicinity. In course of the legal support camps in Madhubani, we heard about the Koilakh temple. On going there we found that upper castes were allowed to offer prayers in the temple, the middle castes could worship from outside, but the dalits could not even touch the temple. We launched a campaign for entry of dalits into the temple. We also informed the administration about this issue. We began mobilising and organising people in and around the area for the campaign. And in course of the campaign also spread awareness of the various injustices perpetrated by upper castes. The night before we were to enter the temple with the dalits, my colleague and I were arrested by the administration. All night long we were abused by people from the upper castes. There were also threats to sacrifice me to Kali goddess. At the same time they were finding it hard to believe that I had masterminded and led the entire campaign. The next day there was a meeting attended by the villagers as well as the local administration. Dalits who were present at the meeting were too afraid to speak up, fearing repercussion from the upper castes. After years of subjugation and suffering, their confidence and morale was totally decimated. In fact the dalits, who had told us about the atrocities perpetrated by the upper castes, and had been with us throughout the campaign, started making allegations against us. Eventually, dalits were not allowed to enter the temple, but the administration also ordered the temple to be closed to all other castes. The confidence and arrogance of the upper castes was broken by this.
At the same time, people from the lower rungs of society gained some confidence, and this incident sowed the seeds for larger battles that were to follow. While working in the Panchmaniya region, we heard about the case of Domi Sharma, who had been wounded during an exchange of fire and was imprisoned on false charges between 1975 and 1978. Several people robbed his family of their meagre possessions of money, land and cattle, with the promise of realising him from jail. We discussed this within our organisation and after consistent efforts over four months and with our own resources, we were able to release him.
Madhubani district is situated on the border of Nepal. It has a population of about 35 lakhs. A majority of the population consists of poor labourers and backward castes and dalits, while upper castes constitute only 15-17% of the population. The upper castes however control land and other production assets. Even government jobs and administration were largely controlled by the upper castes. They considered it their right to look down upon dalits and the lower castes as their servants. Khadi from this region is widely popular, so are the local crafts. At one time this region was considered culturally very rich, but in my opinion this too benefited the upper castes more than the others. A variety of injustices were perpetrated on the lower castes and dalits, who bore it stoically as if it were their destiny.
With the dam being built on river Kosi, most of the land in this region has been destroyed. The destruction and damage caused by this dam far outweighs the benefits. The recurring havoc caused by floods in North Bihar is widely known. There is a shortage of livelihoods resources today, though the land used to be highly productive. People are therefore forced to sell their labour and migrate to different parts of the country to earn their livelihoods and for survival. Even some people from the upper castes are reduced to this condition. These labourers are exploited in every possible way, and often get caught in false cases.
One such incident happened among the musahar community in the Sundar-virajit area of Madhepur block in Madhubani district. About 50 families from this hamlet migrate to earn their living and provide for their families. At one time the labourers went to Rampur village in Jaunpur district of Uttar Pradesh. They were engaged by a contractor who was building a road. One day there was an altercation between two contractors. One of them died in the fight that ensued. The next day all the labourers were rounded up and taken to the police station on the allegation of theft. The labourers pleaded and cried in denial, but to no avail. They were all taken to Rampur Police Station, where seven able bodied labourers were detained and accused of murdering the contractor, while the others were beaten up and released. When the trial began in Jaunpur district court, the labourers had no money to engage a lawyer or fight the case. The government appointed a lawyer to defend them, but that was of no use, and all seven labourers were given a sentence of life-imprisonment. They were then sent to the Central Jail in Varanasi. Their families kept making efforts throughout to garner some support for them, in course of which a lot of money was spent, but in vain.
I visited Sundar-virajit area in course of the campaign and heard of this incident. I returned and discussed this with my colleagues. Later I visited the Central Jail in Varanasi and got detailed information regarding the case. I then collected the relevant documents from Jaunpur district court, engaged a lawyer and made an appeal in Allahabad High Court. Once the appeal was accepted, I put in an application for bail. All seven labourers were granted bail. However, in spite of several efforts, there was no guarantor. I appealed again in the High Court. There was a strike of lawyers at the time, and hence I had to present the case myself in front of the judge. I appealed that the labourers were honest and hardworking and leaving their families behind had come here only to earn a living. They have been falsely implicated in the case. They belonged to the landless musahar community, and despite being granted bail, they could not be released in the absence of a guarantor. In these circumstances I appealed that they be released, or the rules for guarantors be made slightly flexible. The judge pronounced that this case should be heard as a special case by the Chief Justice of Allahabad High Court. The judge and my friends counselled me to take the matter to the Chief Justice, but I thought that if the rich could get bail, even the poor should be able to do the same, and decided to take the matter to the Supreme Court instead. All these events took up a lot of time and resources. The labourers obviously had no resources, and neither did I, but I got support from a range of people associated with the movement, during my stay, for food and travel, etc.
In Delhi, when I made the appeal in the Supreme Court, I had no money. I made contact with a lot of people with the help of AVARD. The Secretary of AVARD, Pyaremohan Tripathy and socialist leader Surendramohan, especially provided a lot of support. Tripathy ji would repeatedly warn me of the futility of my efforts but this did not affect his support for me in any way. Here too friends and associates came forward to help in every possible way. Humanist V.M.Tarakunde submitted the appeal in the Supreme Court without taking any fees. The case was heard and the Supreme Court ordered that the bail be granted to all seven, on the guarantee of two ordinary guarantors. After this verdict, Tripathy ji congratulated me for my courage and perseverance. Others including Dalit-Adivasi Commissioner Sri V.J.Sharma ji also expressed their happiness.
I returned and placed this information before the District Court in Jaunpur, but was told that they had received no such communication. I returned to the Supreme Court and got a copy of the relevant judgement, and presented this again at the District Court in Jaunpur together with two guarantors Parasnath Mishra and Raghuvanshmani Pandey. All seven accused were granted bail and ordered to be released. Even at this stage, the official serving the order for release asked us for a bribe, but when I explained how the case had been fought without giving any fees, let alone bribes, he quietly confessed that his would be the first time that he had not taken a bribe.
People associated with the movement organised a function in Varanasi to felicitate me and the seven labourers, but they were scared and reticent that they did not touch the food or sweets. When I accompanied them back to their home, their families and others were surprised at how I had been able to release them without any resources. I had gone through a lot of struggle in the process and there were many ups and downs, but in the end we had succeeded in the fight for justice.
Emerging leader
Savita Devi Dama, Udaipur, Rajasthan
A few men of my village used to meet periodically near my house and discuss issues of the village and our community. Sometimes they would also come over to my house for a cup of tea and continue talking. At times I would also sit with my husband and listen to the discussions. On a few occasions they asked me my opinion. Seeing them I wished there were such meetings of women as well. I expressed this wish in one of the meetings and the men supported the idea.
It was during that period, about six years ago that elections to Panchayats were being held. All of us men and women from the village sat together and chose two women to contest in the elections, since the seats were reserved. Nanda Devi Pargi and myself, Savita Devi Dama, were elected unopposed to the Panchayat as Ward Panch. We had never stepped out of our house and had no idea how the Panchayat functioned. At that time Seva Mandir was organising a training programme for elected leaders of Panchayats. They asked each of us to bring along two other women. We learnt a lot about our responsibilities and functions in this training.
When we came back to our village, we figured that one of the issues posing a big problem was about gathering fuelwood from the forests. Each year the forests were receding. There was a lot of theft and illegal cutting by people from our own village and neighbours. When we tried to stop people from cutting tender branches, we faced a lot of resistance and abuses were hurled at us. A few men from our village decided to patrol the forest area. When they tried to stop women from cutting wood, they levelled charges that these men were trying to molest them. The men came back and said that they would not patrol alone, and men and women would have to go together.
At one time in our village Nayakhola, it so happened that we had gone to the Kewda Dara naka, a hilly area, and found women of the neighbouring village cutting wood there. As we approached them, one of the women cutting wood slowly removed her nose stud and tied it to her saree. One of my friends saw this. We snatched their implements, gathered the wood they had cut, and started taking it back to our village. Suddenly, the woman began screaming that her nose stud was stolen. My friend calmly went up to her and asked her to open the end of the saree, and there we found the hidden stud. The woman retreated.
We resumed our journey and told the women of the other village that they would be handed their implements when they paid a fine. An old woman who was accompanying us said that she would bring the implements down the hill, and asked us to go ahead with the wood. The weight of the implements made her slow, and the neighbours seized the opportunity and snatched the implements from her. She screamed out. We ran up the hill when we heard her, and made the women from the neighbouring village retreat. They came to our village a few days later, paid the fine and took their implements back. Happily, they have taken steps to protect their village forest, as well. As have villagers of another neighbouring village Chota Bhilwara.
The year that Nanda Devi and I were elected as Ward Panch, Hakra Lal Pargi became the Sarpanch. The villagers had all rallied behind him and for the first time a person from the tribal community was elected Sarpanch. Five years later, it was time for elections again to the Panchayat. In the last elections I had not much idea of our roles and responsibilities. This time I was much better informed and importantly had greater confidence. My husband was also very supportive of my public activities. This time the post of the Sarpanch was reserved for a woman candidate, and most of the villagers wanted me to contest. Hakralal however out up his wife’s candidature. Ultimately the votes from the village were divided and a woman from the neighbouring village became Sarpanch. I was disappointed, but also learnt a big lesson – that we can win only if we are united.
Save the land, save lives
Rajkaran, Udaipur, Rajasthan
25 km south east of Udaipur city is the backward village of Taunk in Malmihas Panchayat, Mindar Panchayat Samiti. There are about 260 families in this village, of which 170 are bhil adivasis (gometis). The remainder families are a mixed group with 50 rajputs, 10 meghwal, 10 gairi, and twenty others. Categorising the land in the village, about 160 bighas are irrigated, while 327 bighas are un-irrigated. There are 1168 individual enclosures. 410 bighas are forestland, while 610 bighas are pastureland.
On average a rajput family has 1.5 bighas of irrigated land, while a gometi family has on average half a bigha of irrigated land. By this calculation, there are very few families having large land holdings. Roughly 100 hectares of land in this village is pastureland, of which there are unauthorised encroachments and unauthorised mining in about10-15 hectares. There is talk of starting mining in an additional five hectares. A few people in the village were worried that if this trend continued, all the land will gradually be taken over by encroachments.
About 30 families of the village have illegal encroachments on the pastureland, from which they were able to take grass alone. Then there was one person from the neighbouring village, Sakarvada, who mined soap stone from the pastureland in which about 5-6 workers from Taunk village were engaged everyday. The mine owner got about Rs.75,000 annually, while the labourers for Rs.25-30,000 annually. A third aspect to this was the ongoing negotiations between the villagers of Sakarvada and leaders of Taunk, who wanted to start one or two mines to take out stone for building houses. The rent from this would benefit the mine-owner villagers from Sakarvada, rather than the villagers of Taunk.
Concerned by these developments, a few villagers from Taunk contacted HVVS to take steps to protect the pastureland. When asked what support they wanted, they said they needed resources to build boundary walls and undertake afforestation on the pastureland. We advised them to organise meetings in the village and generate a larger consensus on these actions. Also to access the legal records of these lands, to ascertain its ownership status, etc.
Thereafter villagers had a meeting in the village hamlets about undertaking afforestation. The benefits would be shared among all villagers. It took about 3-4 months to reach consensus on this. An important factor for consensus was that the pastureland was not cultivable. The villagers then went to the patwari and asked for the land records. This was not easy and they were unable to get the records for over six months. Then a group of villagers met the Sub-Collector, and submitted a petition. The patwari was instructed to release the landholding records and ownership demarcation within a week. This perseverance reflected the interest and commitment of the villagers.
Subsequently however there was a dispute between the villagers and the villagers divided into two groups. One group which wanted to enclose 50ha of land, while the other group wanted to enclose 25ha and leave the remaining 25ha open. Since it was not easy for animals to climb the hillside, the gometis were concerned that this was a ploy to start mining on the land at a later date. Eventually there was agreement to enclose all 50ha. The question now was who would come forward to stop the mines. A few gometis started work on the boundary wall to close access, while with HVVS support soil conservation and tree plantation was also started. On the issue of protection of this area, the villagers decided to take guard in turns. This commitment was seen for three years, before it gradually collapsed as a few families not needing the grass dropped out and stopped proving guard.
One of the gometis was concerned that if this trend continued, the land would go back to its old condition, and even the mines may be renewed. He motivated other gometis to rebuild parts of the boundary wall that had broken. They then thought that instead of guarding by turn, it might be better to appoint a guard and give him a stipend. For this they sought support from HVVS. In a meeting of all villagers it was decided that for three years HVVS would provide 50% of the salary for the guard and villagers would contribute the rest. For the collection of grass from the enclosed pastureland, villagers had decided to collect an amount of Rs.5/ load, which was later revised to Rs.7, and later Rs.10, and last year was revised to Rs.14. After HVVS stopped contributing to the guard’s salary after three years, villagers used this collection to pay the guard Rs.500/ month.
Logarba is the chief of the gometis in the village. He is respected in the adivasi community, and is active in decisions made in the village as well. He thinks very clearly and is broad minded. In Taunk, like in most other villages of the area, a few men, rajputs and gometis, are usually active in decision making, whether it be political decisions or routine decisions regarding the village. Adivasis of the region have their own caste network known as the ‘chaukhala’. Logarba was active in the chaukhala as well and had a key role in it.
Logarba came in contact with HVVS in 1990. He was about 55 years old then, and believed in maintaining old customs and traditions. Though he was conservative, there was a significant change in him after he started associating with HVVS, participating in meetings and visiting other areas. Gradually his value systems were influenced. At one time Logarba participated in a women’s sammelan organised in the Lasthadia area of Udaipur by another organisation, Sahayog. Here, for the first time, he saw women speak about their problems on stage, on a public platform. He was struck by the thought that men alone cannot solve problems and bring about change. Back in his village, he started encouraging women to organise and attend meetings. In earlier days he would have said ‘what is the need to involve women?’ but not anymore. Soon after women’s self help groups were formed in the village.
There were recurring problems in protection of the pastureland. The need to involve women was reinforced when Logarba once saw women from the neighbouring village cutting grass from the enclosed pastureland. Inspite of asking them to go away, the women did not budge. He then came back to the village and sent members of the self-help group to tackle the situation. There was an altercation and the women of Taunk disturbed the stacks of grass neatly piled by the women of the neighbouring village. The women from the neighbouring village eventually had to retreat. There were several other incidents which are reflective of Logarba’s astuteness, all of which cannot be mentioned, but one more needs to be mentioned here.
There were efforts to revive the soapstone mines which had been stopped over three years ago. There were indications of this for some time, as a few leaders of the village approached Logarba and said that since it was difficult to meet the salary of the guard, why not start the soap stone mining and earn some revenue for the village, part of which can be paid to the guard. Logarba said that the matter should be discussed in the village with the general body before any decision was made. A few days later, some men from the neighbouring village were found working in the enclosed area in reviving the mine. On being questioned, they named a person from the neighbouring village who had some political clout, as well as a person from Taunk village itself. Logarba shared this information with a few select people in his village. Around that time a JCV machine was also engaged to remove the soap stone. Inspite of repeated requests this did not stop. Logarba was convinced of the involvement of someone from the village, else this would not have continued for so long.
A general body meeting was held in the village and all agreed that the soap stone mining was wrong. The person who was supposed to be supporting this activity was called to the meeting, but he did not attend. The villagers decided to seek support of HVVS in tackling the issue. Another meeting was held 3-4 days later, which I participated in as well. The accused person did not come again, though he had been specifically asked to come. The villagers decided to submit a complaint letter to the Sub-Collector against the illegal activities, after two days. In the meantime, 10-15 men would block the access of the JCV machines to the mine areas. Happily, this put an end to the mining in the area.
At another time, 2-3 villagers from the neighbouring village let camels into the protected area for grazing. They too did not listen when asked to return and threatened the guard. When he reported this incident in the village, after a brief meeting, three gometi youth went and asked the camel grazers to go away, without success. Within a week, a larger meeting was held, in which the majority of those attending were gometis. It was decided again that if they did not go back now, villagers would take up a fight against the grazers. This time a few Rajputs went with the gometis to ask the people grazing camels to return. This time they turned back and the camels no longer grazed in the protected area.
Following these events there was a feeling among the gometis when the entire village took responsibility, it was possible to tackle problems, but on most occasions it was only the gometis who took the initiative. Was it because they benefited more directly from the pastureland? Each year about 50 tons of grass and 15 tons of dry wood were taken from the pastureland. The environmental benefits were less direct, but slowly visible.
In the course of meetings in the village it was evident that there were some sections who were very poor and whose resources were not adequate for their livelihoods. Also, the 32 families who had illegally encroached on the pasturelands were all gometis. There was therefore a demand from the community that HVVS also support land and water development activities to help in better cultivation. Activities were identified and undertaken, simultaneously trainings were organised, and people’s confidence gradually increased. Also with physical work being undertaken, some employment was also generated in the village.
HVVS also made efforts to promote social awareness by staging a drama titled “Ujaal dekh andhera bhagyo” (seeing light, the darkness ran away). This was staged 2-3 times in the village. I used the visit the village regularly and organise meetings and discussions, as a result of which I had close relationships with the villagers, and even began to identify myself with them, as one of their family, and came to understand them better. I would be closely involved in leadership development and training programmes.
Initially, self help groups of men were formed in the village, which had helped in building contacts with the village, as well as provided an idea about what could be done to improve livelihoods. The involvement and attachment with the villagers, as well as the generation of employment while undertaking physical works, gave me a lot of satisfaction. Over time, as my responsibilities increased, my association with the village was reducing. I was immersed more and more in administration of the organisation, and making contact with other organisations, government departments, etc. My colleagues continued to visit the village regularly, but I am not sure why, the poorest people perhaps feel a bit disillusioned and let down. Improvements in
livelihoods of the poorest takes a long time, and perhaps we are not succeeding in that.
There have been a lot of physical and environmental improvements in the village, but the organisation of local people and the evolution of leadership that is needed to sustain development activities is quite weak. There is much improvement from what it was in the past, and local issues are resolved in a more effective and democratic manner, but the organisation does not have the capacity to tackle larger issues outside the village.
As for the poorest people, they are so caught up in debt traps that it is hard to emerge from it. The women’s self help groups, when we found that the self-help groups of men were not that effective. We have had a fair bit of success with women’s self-help groups. Women have been very supportive. For women who always struggled for some resources to run the household, today have some definite resources and are less worried. As a result, the alienation from land and other household resources has been stemmed to a great extent. There are currently eight self-help groups of women.
I belong to Uttar Pradesh. I came to Rajasthan in 1977 for employment. There are stark differences between Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. Agriculture is the prime source of livelihoods in Uttar Pradesh, while in Rajasthan, a majority of people are labourers, and a few also do agriculture. I worked first with Rajasthan Agriculture University. In 1978 I joined Seva Mandir, one of the largest NGOs in the area. I made many friends at that time, who continue to support and guide me till today. The value of working closely with poor and marginalised people was instilled in me when I worked with Seva Mandir and continues to be my key motivation today. At times, responsibilities in the family make me consider return to my native land in Uttar Pradesh, but the condition of the people I work with, especially the poorest, reinforce the commitment in me to stay and continue working. When I was young, I was actively helped my parents in agriculture. It is this knowledge and these benefits from land and agriculture that I want to bring to the poor communities in Rajasthan. As a citizen, this is the least I can do for society.
The struggles of the Baigas
The Baigas are known across the country for their cultural heritage and lifestyles. The area adjoining the Satpura mountain range, in Dindori and Mandla districts with 52 forest villages is known as Baiga Chak. The Baigas in this area have preserved their cultural traditions to a large extent. Apart from the Baigas there are 75 other tribal communities in this region. The Baigas of Madhya Pradesh have been declared as a special backward scheduled tribe. There are approximately 300,000 Baigas spread across Mandla, Dindori, Balaghat, Shahdol, Umaria in Madhya Pradesh and Bilaspur and Kavdha districts in Chattisgarh. Of this the population in the Baiga Chak area is roughly 5,500.
Apart from the recognition as National Tribe, Baigas of Madhya Pradesh are also called the original sons of the soil. It is said that if the Baigas have the forest, they have no need for anything else. Their entire lives are dependent on it. Shifting cultivation in the forest areas, collection of leaves and medicinal plants from the forests, are the main sources of livelihoods for Baigas. They are considered storehouses of information on medicinal plants. This reputation has led even all other quacks and traditional healers to be called Baigas – a misnomer in many ways. The practise of shifting cultivation in the forest areas by the Baigas involves controlled burning of small patches of forest, which is then tilled and planted with a variety of seeds. This practise is known as bebar. They do not plough the land as the earth is revered as mother.
In the nineteenth century (1884), when the British enacted forest laws, they took control of all the forest areas across the country. Even at this time, villages in the Baiga Chak region had permission to cultivate in the traditional pattern of bebar. People were content. In 1927, the Forest laws were modified and made more stringent. Forests were considered national resources, and a total ban was imposed on bebar cultivation. The livelihoods crisis of Baigas starts from this point. An old Baiga commented – the British gave India freedom, but why did they not give us freedom to practise bebar (Verrier Elwin). With this ban, the Baigas were forced to relocate to the plains. Many of them also began settled cultivation on forest wastelands.
The bebar cultivators were called encroachers by the Forest Department. At this time, the Supreme Court also ruled in the Godavarman case that all encroachers prior to 1980 be removed from the forests. With this ruling there was large scale forced eviction of forest dwelling communities. In Madhya Pradesh, the worst affected were the Baigas of Mandla and Dindori. Settled in the forest for centuries, a range of human rights violations and atrocities were committed by the Forest Department in forcibly removing the Baigas. Sociologist Verrier Elwin observed that the strife between the Baigas and the Forest Department was one that would never end; a strife that is manifest even today.
Men and women of Gaura village in Dindori district were mercilessly beaten during the forced eviction of Baigas on August 6, 2000 by the officials of forest department, forest protection committees and special armed forces. The Baigas claimed that the beatings were so severe that the guns were bent with the force. These atrocities were not restricted to this village alone. Between August 6 to 8, 2000, such incidents were repeated in five Baiga villages – Gaura, Kanhari, Tumrila, Jilang, Dhaba. There were many families in these villages, who did notcultivate on forest land, but even they were mercilessly beaten with hands tied behind their backs, and forcibly making them drink urine. Such was the treatment meted out to them that it took a few months for the people to emerge from the trauma of the treatment meted out to them.
Budhsingh Baiga of Gaura village also bore the brunt of these atrocities, his wife too. As he was educated to standard 6, he gathered information and came to know about an organisation in Sijhora village in Mandla district, which worked for the poor. Budhsingh Baiga met me in Sijhora on August 14. I was working with Ekta Parishad at that time. Budhsingh explained in detail about the exploitation and atrocities committed by the forest department officials, forest protection committees and special armed forces. His narration was so scary that I did not believe it at first. That forest officials would mete out such treatment to the poor was beyond my imagination. Could the people entrusted with protecting the poor, be their biggest exploiters?
I decided to visit the five affected village and understand for myself. On August 13, I visited Jilang village in the famed Baiga Chak area of Dindori district. As the monsoons had set in I was unable to visit the other villages which were more remote. The people of Jilang were so suspicious and afraid of outsiders, that when they heard the sound of the jeep, they all hid within the corn fields. The village was empty when I went in. With a lot of effort I explained to them that I was not a government official, and convinced them to come out of the fields. The discussion with the villagers convinced me of Budhisingh’s story. I was convinced that there should be some protest and fight for justice. For this the Baigas had to be organised and united.
After the discussions, a date was fixed for a meeting of Baigas from all five affected villages. On August 16, 2000, there was a congregation of Baigas at Sijhora village, and as was decided there, on August 23, a sammelan (larger meeting) was held in the centrally located Chada village. People took all responsibility for organising this event. This was the first time that there was such a large gathering of Baigas in the Baiga Chak area. When people started presenting their testimonies, they were angry and emotional and openly abused the government and forest officials. Some of them burst out into tears as they spoke. At the end of the sammelan, all the Baigas decided to collectively fight for their forest rights and against the exploitation. The Baiga Sangharsh Morcha was formed there. Nearly 10,000 people from 40 villages had participated in this sammelan. A ‘mukhiya (leaders) committee’ was formed with two persons from each of the 40 villages. It was decided that the members of this committee would meet on the seventh of each month. The sammelan at Chada village was an opportunity for me to know and understand the problems of the baigas from such close quarters. I was overwhelmed by this event, because even as it concluded and people were returning to their villages, old men and women came to me and started to touch my feet. I tried to stop them, but they would not listen. They kept saying that for the first time they got an opportunity to speak about their problems and fight against the exploitative forest officials. The feeling that I had that people had to be united and organised to fight this battle was reinforced in me.
Another significant event was triggered by this sammelan. I went with some of the baigas to submit a petition with the testimonies presented at the sammelan, to the ranger at the Chada Forest Division. As the baigas submitted the petition, their anger showed. Seeing the angry mob the ranger was visibly shaking as he read the petition. All the baigas present witnessed this. This was an unusual sight for them, to see a governmentofficial shivering in front of them, and they were energised. My biggest challenge was to keep this motivation and energy going among the baigas, through the long battles ahead.
After September 23, 2000, the mukhiya committee of the Baiga Sangharsh Morcha, started meeting on the seventh of each month in different villages in turn. I decided to attend these meetings and use them to strengthen the organisation and give some direction to the struggle. Since I stayed about 140km away from the Baiga Chak area, it was not possible for me to attend this meeting and return on the same day. Neither was it possible that I would be able to understand their problems and strengthen the organisation this way. I decided to activate a communication network, and visit the weekly markets in and around the Baiga Chak area. Through this I was updated on the day to day issues and concerns in the region. I was then able to visit villages where there were problems, and keep the people motivated in the struggle. Monthly meetings of the mukhiya committee, rallies, sammelans, became a regular feature. The baigas in Dindori district were slowly getting organised. I now wanted to extend this to include baigas in other regions as well, so that their strength would increase.
After September 23, 2000, a serried of petitions and complaints were submitted to government officials, forest officials, etc., to take action against those guilty of exploitation against the baigas and those perpetrating atrocities. No action was initiated, however. On the other hand, the forest department conducted a departmental enquiry to prove that the allegations were false. Ultimately I met Mr Sudip Banerjee, the Forest Secretary of Madhya Pradesh. Around that time, there had been an altercation between the tribal people and forest officials in the Mehendi Kheda region in Devas district, in which several tribal people were killed. I told Mr Sudip Banerjee that it was over a year since the atrocities in the Baiga Chak area, and thus far there had neither been any investigation nor any action against the officials responsible. A repeat of a incident like in the Mehendi Kheda region cannot be ruled out in the Baiga Chak area, and if blood was shed, the forest officials would be squarely responsible. Mr Banerjee ordered for an immediate enquiry, within a week. Soon after, in the monsoons of September, the forest conservator, Jabalpur, walked 15 km through the Baiga Chak region and led the enquiry, and action was taken against the officials found guilty.
On April 24-25, 2000, another baiga sammelan was held at Chada village where about 5,000 baigas participated. There had been continuous efforts to strengthen the organisation of baigas, link baigas of Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh, meetings of baiga maha panchayat and Baiga Sangharsh Morcha. The continuous dialogue with government officials and united stand of the baigas had reduced the threat posed by the forest department, their exploitation and subjugation.
The result was interesting, as over time, with the reduction in exploitation the united force and organisation of baigas became weaker. It was becoming a challenge to keep the baigas united and organised. In an effort to strengthen this, I decided to start a fair price shop at Chada village, which sold kanki (broken rice, which is an integral part of the diet of baigas), as well as the traditional clothing of baigas. On May 3, 2003, there was a Supreme Court directive to include all primitive tribal groups in the Antyodaya Anna Yojana. Baigas of Mandla and Dindori fall in this category, and a campaign was launched to enlist baigas in the region to avail of this scheme, and a public hearing was held on June 6, 2003.A revolving fund was necessary for functioning of the fair price shop, but we had no resources, and the shop did not function for long. Inspite of this, because of the success of the campaign for Antyodaya Anna Yojana and the public hearing, injected some strength into the organisation of the baigas. There was also an effort to avail of other schemes and directives of the government by launching campaigns for support for the homeless, social security pension, minimum wages, etc.
The monthly meeting on the seventh of each month continues to be held. Some collective efforts are also being made to solve issues at the village level. Inspite of this the organisation is not strong. I have always believed that those who are affected must must their own battles, and with this helped to form the baiga maha panchayat and Baiga Sangharsh Morcha, so that the leadership to steer the struggle of the baigas emerges from within. Even after the efforts over the past years, I feel more needs to be done to build the strength and capacities of the village leaders, especially among the younger generation. Only through a continuous process of nurturing will the leadership emerge and which will strengthen the organisation.